The U.S. and its Dubious Exports

by Maggie Ervin

Hollywood’s biggest blockbusters don’t take long to come out in Mexico. I imagine that the Sonys and the Warner Brothers pay the dubbing companies a pretty peso, ‘cause they get right to the task. So this summer, on screen after screen south of the border, the San Andreas fault has already shattered the earth and downed buildings, the Avengers have put Ultron's army to the test, and Jurassic World’s Indominus has ravaged pretty much everything in its path.

And yet tragically, terror and destruction are not confined to the big screen. Consider the last three weeks. In just this period, here’s some of what’s gone down in Mexico: About 120 migrants passing through Sonora were reportedly attacked by men dressed in military garb, who started shooting at them. Three were killed, at least thirteen escaped, and most are still missing. Amnesty International and migrant rights groups had to demand a formal investigation of the case.

Central American migrants' families in Mexico

Meanwhile, the government’s official version of what happened to the 43 disappeared students of Ayotzinapa came crashing down. Of course, over the past nine months civil society organizations and family members have been calling out the Mexican government for coverup and manipulation, as well as its reliance on testimonies obtained under torture in order to make its case. But just last week a magistrate judge who was working in the police station the night of the massacre (whose family has been threatened and who is in the U.S. seeking asylum) spoke out quite convincingly that the students were never brought to the local police station. This confirms widespread suspicions that the government has attempted to hide the federal and state police’s - and even possibly the army’s - involvement in the students’ disappearance, trying to lay blame entirely on municipal police.

Tribute to the 43 students in Mexico City 

Then last week, a Navy helicopter reportedly shot at civilians in Durango, killing one and injuring several.

As if that weren’t enough, June 7th was election day, which was mired by state violence and repression. The balance sheet: one extrajudicial killing and 127 detained on election day. A majority of the latter took place in Oaxaca, where 25 protestors were taken maximum security prison. They reported torture and multiple human rights abuses, and were charged with terrorism. 56 NGO’s in Oaxaca urgently came together and declared: ”The large presence of police and military in Oaxaca…with the arrival of thousands of federal police officers, members of the gendarmerie, soldiers, and marines to ‘safeguard’ the federal midterm elections…do not contribute to generate a climate of trust and freedom needed for such a democratic exercise. The militarization of a social conflict shows an alarming return to authoritarianism.” Unfortunately, the election-time repression was no less fierce in Guerrero state, and there was also heavy deployment of security forces in Michoacan and Chiapas. Free and fair? Not exactly.

North of the border, of course, the election cycle is just beginning. At his campaign launch last week, Donald Trump wasted no time decrying Mexicans in the U.S. “When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending the best…,” he said. “They’re sending people that have lots of problems and they’re bringing those problems.” Now perhaps the latest ludicrous comments from a “Birther” who once claimed President Obama was “Israel’s worst enemy” don’t deserve much attention. But the opposite claim, however, probably does: that the U.S. sends problems to Mexico.

First, there’s the money: over 2.4 billion dollars spent on the Merida Initiative, which Congress has allotted funds for every year since 2007, and which Obama supports. What form has this money taken? Mostly it’s been used to militarize Mexico: providing Blackhawk helicopters, surveillance cameras, sophisticated arms and equipment. Additionally it’s been used to train Mexican security forces whose human rights record - far beyond the forced disappearances of Ayotzinapa - has been abysmal over this same eight year period. And who - as described above - are not only called upon to fight drug cartels, but also to quell social movements.

The Drug War has taken an estimated 70,000 Mexican lives

Then there’s the private sales of arms. Lax U.S. laws around arms sales - even in the wake of the Newtowns, the Isla Vistas, the Fort Hoods, the Charlestons - facilitate this movement. In Mexico, although there is a constitutional right to possess of firearms, there are more restrictions and only one legal gun shop in the entire country. Compare that to the more than 54,000 federally licensed firearm dealers in the U.S., about 6,700 of which are along the border. According to a 2013 study by University of San Diego’s Transborder Institute with Brazil’s Igarape Institute, approximately 253,000 U.S. guns end up n Mexico every year, which is about 2.2 percent of the yearly U.S. sales and about 70% of the firearms in Mexico. Unfortunately, there’s no evidence that this number has gone down since the Supreme Court’s June 2014 decision to ban straw purchases (purchases made on another’s behalf). 

This issue of arms sales isn’t just a story of cartels. As highlighted in a recent Washington Post piece, the Mexican government is eager to buy more and more arms. This year’s orders represent a hundred-fold increase from previous years, in fact. So while private weapons companies seem happy to respond to the demand, Congress seems happy keep funding the Merida Initiative, and as evidenced this week with the passage of Fast Track for the extremely corporate-friendly Trans-Pacific Partnership, it’s becoming harder and harder to tell the difference between the government sector and the corporate sector.

"Security" in Mexico doesn't apply to many human rights defenders

by Maggie Ervin

Felipe Calderón, president of Mexico from 2006 to 2012, had a way of talking that sounded a bit like George W. Bush, which is to say unapologetically bellicose. As soon as his term started, he declared a War on Drug Trafficking, and quickly put it into full military action. By the end of his term, the results were staggeringly tragic: more than 60,000 Mexicans dead, more than 20,000 disappeared, more than 150,000 displaced, and still plenty of drugs flowing to the U.S. and Europe. The current president, Enrique Peña Nieto has shifted the discourse, avoiding the words “war” and “combat” all together, and instead focusing on what he calls a “national security policy.” Additionally, his attention has been divided as he's been busy promoting and passing a series of constitutional reforms. Unfortunately, though, neither of these factors has meant that respect for human rights has necessarily improved under his administration. By a few measures it has, but by others it's actually gotten worse.

Comite Cerezo Mexico was founded 13 years ago and works in the
defense and promotion of human rights of victims of political repression.  

A report issued last week by Comite Cerezo Mexico, “La Defensa de los Derechos Humanos en Mexico: una lucha contra la Impunidad” (in English, “Defending Human Rights in Mexico: a struggle against impunity”), revealed that forced disappearances have increased under Peña Nieto. The report points out that towards human rights defenders alone, this particular crime against humanity has gone up 60% during his administration. 29 human rights defenders have been disappeared in just eighteen months, as compared to 24 during the same time period of the Calderón administration. On August 30, International Day of Victims of Forced Disappearances,the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights called this situation in Mexico “critical.” 

A public act of remembrance of the disappeared in Mexico. As stated in the report, 
Peña Nieto has tried to "make invisible and diminish violence in his official rhetoric 
as well as through the media...and tried to put forth a message of security and peace." 

During this same year and a half, arbitrary detentions and harassment of human rights defenders have increased as well. Both of these tactics, the report argues, go hand in hand with the implementation of Peña Nieto’s political agenda. His reforms passed over the last year cover many dimensions of Mexican life - labor,fiscal policy, education, telecommunications and energy -  and are complex and extensive. Generally, though, their common thread is an unrepentant move towards privatization. Public opposition to the reforms is fierce and widespread, resulting in protests and blockades and the like by Mexican citizens. Meanwhile, the government has been resorting to repressive measures to quell such protests and to discourage participation. As the report states: “the great majority of those arbitrarily detained… were [detained] because of their political positions and disagreement with the neoliberal policies that are being applied in Mexico.”

Francisco Cerezo presents data from the report,

which covers from June 2013 to May 2014. 

Additionally, despite a less warlike rhetoric than his predecessor, Peña Nieto has hardly scaled down the militarization first initiated by Calderón. Just two weeks ago he launched a new 5,000 strong police force called gendarmerie, a new branch of the Federal Police (a force known for human rights abuses). The U.S. has been more than willing to support this militarization. Since Congress passed the Mérida Intitiative (also called Plan Mérida) in 2007, 1.2 billion USD have been delivered to Mexico, largely in the form of military equipment and training, and all in the name of fighting the War on Drugs. 

But much like its predecessor Plan Colombia, it's done very little to stop the flow of drugs. And yet there are no plans to terminate it. In Fiscal Year 2013 alone, more than 3,000 Mexican military personnel were trained at NORTHCOM in Colorado (an increase of 44% from FY 2011). And the Obama administration has requested 115 million dollars more for the Initiative in its FY 2015 budget proposal. So where do human rights come in? Despite the fact that the Mérida Initiative includes “Respect for Human Rights in Mexico” as part of its second pillar, this assertion has proved rather hollow. A mere 15% of its funds are conditioned on meeting human rights standards. And considering that increased human rights violations in Mexico coincided with the distribution of Mérida Initiative funds, the question becomes: Is the U.S. not complicit in these violations? 

This week, Peña Nieto gave his second State of the Union address. In it he announced the construction of a huge new international airport partly in Mexico City and partly in the State of Mexico. Curiously, in 2006, while governor of the State of Mexico, he ordered the massive repression of protests which had sprung up in response to a similar airport project. The result: two dead, 207 arbitrarily detained, many tortured, and 26 women sexually assaulted. Considering both his past and recent record on human rights, there is reason to be concerned about how the president will respond to the protests that are already springing up.

"Land Yes, Planes No!" reads this 2006 sign.

La supuesta "Seguridad" en México no llega a muchos defensores de derechos humanos

por Maggie Ervin

Felipe Calderón, en su período de presidente de México entre 2006 y 2012, tenía un discurso parecido al de George W. Bush, el entonces presidente estadounidense, es decir, belicoso sin concesiones. Tan pronto como tomó posesión, declaró una Guerra Contra el Narcotráfico, y rápidamente militarizó el país. Para finales de su mandato, los resultados fueron trágicos y desastrosos: más de 60.000 mexicanos muertos, más de 20.000 desaparecidos y más de 150.000 desplazados, y ni siquiera logró frenar el flujo de drogas a los EEUU y Europa de manera significativa. El actual presidente Enrique Peña Nieto tiene un discurso diferente al de su antecesor. Este evita las palabras como "guerra" y "combate" por completo, enfocándose en lo que llama su política de “seguridad nacional" y el México “moderno”.  Este enfoque le ha permitido promocionar y aprobar una serie de reformas constitucionales. Lamentablemente, ninguno de estos factores ha favorecido una mejora en el campo de los derechos humanos.

El Comité Cerezo México tiene 13 años trabajando en la defensa y
promoción de los derechos humanos de víctimas de represión por motivos politicos.

Un informe publicado la semana pasada por el Comité Cerezo México, "La Defensa de los Derechos Humanos en México: Una lucha contra la Impunidad", reveló que las desapariciones forzadas han aumentado con Peña Nieto. El informe señala que tan solo a los defensores de derechos humanos, aumentó un 60%. Esto significa que 29 defensores han desaparecido durante los primeros 18 meses de su sexenio, en comparación con los 24 durante el mismo período de la administración de Calderón. El sábado pasado, el Alto Comisionado de la ONU para los Derechos Humanos calificó esta situación como "crítica". 

Un acto público recordando los desaparecidos en México.
Segun el informe, Peña Nieto ha tratado de "invisibilizar o disminuir
 la violencia tanto en el discurso oficial como a través de los medios 
masivos de comunicación...y intenta transmitir un mensaje de seguridad y paz." 

De esta manera, durante estos últimos 18 meses las detenciones arbitrarias y el hostigamiento hacia los defensores de derechos humanos se han incrementado. Ambas tácticas, sostiene el informe, van de la mano con la aplicación de la agenda política de Peña. Sus reformas, que forman una parte central de esta agenda, abarcan muchas dimensiones de la vida mexicana – la laboral, la fiscal, la educativa, la de telecomunicaciones y la energética – clara tendencia hacia la privatización, lo que atenta contra la vida pública. Como resultado, es de esperarse que la oposición a estas reformas sea feroz y extendida en el ámbito público, dando lugar a manifestaciones, marchas y bloqueos por parte de los mexicanos. Mientras tanto, el gobierno ha estado recurriendo a medidas represivas para sofocar este tipo de protestas y de esa manera desalentar la participación ciudadana. Como dice el informe: "la inmensa mayoría de los detenidos de manera arbitraria en el país lo fueron por su forma de pensar o disentir con las políticas neoliberales que se están aplicando en México." 

Francisco Cerezo presenta los datos del nuevo informe,
que abarca desde junio de 2013 hasta mayo de 2014.

A pesar de su retórica menos combativa, Peña apenas ha reducido la militarización iniciada por Calderón. Justamente hace dos semanas lanzó una nueva fuerza de seguridad con 5.000 elementos policiacos, llamada “gendarmería” como nueva rama de la Policia Federal (una entidad conocida por sus violaciones de derechos humanos). En apoyo a esa política militar, los EEUU han demostrado la aceptación de estas medidas. De hecho, ha sido un participante activo en ellas. Desde que el Congreso aprobó la Iniciativa Mérida (también llamado Plan Mérida) en 2007, se han entregado 1.2 mil millones de USD a México, principalmente en forma de equipamiento militar y entrenamiento, todo en nombre de la Guerra contra las Drogas.

Tanto el Plan Mérida como su precursor Plan Colombia, no han logrado detener la producción y el flujo de drogas significativamente. Sin embargo, no hay planes para reducirla contundentemente. EEUU, en su año fiscal 2013 (que va de julio a julio), entrenaron más de 3.000 militares mexicanos en NORTHCOM en Colorado (un aumento del 44% desde el año fiscal 2011). Por si fuera poco, el gobierno de Obama solicitó recientemente 115 millones de dólares más para la Iniciativa Merida en su presupuesto para el ano 2015. Frente a todas estas políticas militares, la pregunta es: ¿Y que políticas se han implementado para velar los derechos humanos? A pesar de que la Iniciativa Mérida incluye "El respeto de los Derechos Humanos en México" como parte de su segundo pilar, el tan sólo 15% de sus fondos está condicionado al cumplimiento de las normas de estos. Y teniendo en cuenta que el aumento significativo de las violaciones de derechos humanos en México coincidió con la distribución de los fondos de la Iniciativa Mérida, ¿sería difícil argumentar que los EE.UU. no sea cómplice en estas violaciones?

La semana pasada Peña Nieto dio su segundo Informe de Gobierno en el cual anunció la construcción de un nuevo aeropuerto internacional en el área que colinda entre el Estado de Mexico y el Distrito Federal. Teniendo en cuenta que en el año 2006, cuando era gobernador del Estado de México, ordenó una represión masiva de protestas que surgieron en contra de la construcción de otro aeropuerto que en ese entonces se iba  construir. Tal decisión resultó en dos muertos, 207 personas detenidas arbitrariamente, 26 mujeres violadas sexualmente, y decenas de personas torturadas. Con estos antecedentes, es preocupante  lo que pueda pasar ahora con el nuevo proyecto anunciado en relación a los movimientos en contra del nuevo proyecto.

Una de las manifestaciones en el Estado de México en 2006.

Francisco Cerezo Reflexiona sobre su Gira de Ponencia en EEUU

Este pasado mes de octubre, Witness for Peace Upper Midwest hizo posible que el defensor de derechos humanos mexicano Francisco Cerezo del Comité Cerezo México hiciera una gira en toda la región. En numerosas universidades, iglesias y grupos comunitarios a lo largo y ancho de los estados de Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas y Missouri, Francisco habló a más de 2.500 personas sobre los efectos de la política estadounidense en México. 

Francisco presentando a "Advocates for Human Rights" - una organización de abogados que defienden los derechos humanos - en Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Ayudó al pueblo estadounidense a entender la diferencia entre el discurso en torno a la "Guerra Contra el Narcotráfico" y la realidad de dicha “Guerra”, prestando atención especial en la Iniciativa Mérida. Este acuerdo de 1.6 billones de dólares, la gran mayoría de los cuales se manifiestan en forma de equipamiento militar, armas y entrenamiento militar, ha tenido efectos devastadores en la población mexicana. Ha resultado en un gran incremento de violaciones de derechos humanos por parte del Ejército, Policía Federal, y la Marina, dejando más de 60.000 muertos (la mayoría de los cuales no tenía nada que ver con las drogas o el tráfico de drogas), 25.000 desaparecidos y 150.000 desplazados. Como Sr. Cerezo señaló, estas son las cifras oficiales del gobierno mexicano. Muchas organizaciones de derechos humanos estiman que son mucho mayores las cifras. A continuación se presentan las reflexiones de Francisco después de su gira incansable y fructífera.

“Una gira de trabajo al Upper Midwest de los Estados Unidos”

Lo primero que me sorprendió en los Estados Unidos fue la influencia del idioma español en todos los ámbitos de la vida norteamericana; incluso el poner una botella de salsa picante junto a la mostaza y la cátsup en las mesas de comida rápida o de restaurant es muy significativo de esta influencia más que latina, mexicana, hace 15 años que fue la última vez que estuve allá el español era muy restringido a los círculos de los migrantes mexicanos y latinos.

En cuanto al trabajo, me pude identificar con la coordinadora del Upper Midwest de Witness for Peace debido a que su trabajo es muy parecido al nuestro; personas voluntarias que complementan el trabajo y las necesidades logísticas de la organización y un gran trabajo de contactos con mucha gente que es sensible a la problemática social, en este caso, de México.

No fue sorprendente, pero si evidente, que los medios de comunicación masiva en los EU no informan nada acerca de las problemáticas de otros países e incluso de los problemas sociales de los Estados Unidos, no queremos decir que en México no ocurra este fenómeno, sin embargo es todavía en menor grado o incluso hay más alternativas críticas en los medios masivos de comunicación que permiten hacer un balance sobre lo que está ocurriendo en México.

Una de las emisoras comunitarias (alternativas a "los medios de comunicación masiva") donde Francisco fue entrevistado.
Esta se llama WORT y se encuentra en Madison, Wisconsin.

En la mayoría de los espacios donde presentamos el tema de la Iniciativa Mérida y sus repercusiones en México, nadie sabía absolutamente nada sobre este programa de ayuda militar al gobierno mexicano, así mismo, el discurso de que la corrupción en México es uno de los problemas fundamentales está muy arraigado, incluso pareciera como si no ser norteamericano fuera una condición para ser partícipe de este fenómeno.

Pensamos que la presentación logró, por lo menos, sensibilizar a las personas que nos escucharon para que se pregunten simplemente, ¿por qué el dinero de sus impuestos genera tanta violencia en México, cuando se supone que debe hacer lo contrario, ayudar? Pregunta fundamental que creemos que hará reflexionar a muchas personas y acercar a algunos al trabajo de Witness for Peace allá en el Upper Midwest.

Francisco Cerezo y la Coordinadora Regional de Witness for  Peace  Upper 
Midwest, Elise Roberts, con el congresista Keith Ellison, después de reunirse con él

Recorrer más de 3,000 kilómetros o 1,900 millas a lo largo de 5 estados fue, si bien cansado, enriquecedor debido a la posibilidad de platicar con muchas personas interesadas en la temática y hacer llegar la información y el mensaje que como Comité Cerezo México llevábamos y que sin el apoyo solidario y fraterno de muchas personas y de Witness for Peace en la zona y en México hubiera sido imposible hacer llegar dicho mensaje.

Francisco presentando otra vez a un grupo de estudiantes universitarios.

Agradecemos a todos los que nos tendieron su mano solidaria, a quienes compartieron su mesa y su hogar para que repusiéramos fuerzas y pudiéramos continuar con esta imborrable gira por esta bellísima zona, con personas inolvidables; desde Duluth, pasando por Minneapolis, Milwaukee, Iowa, y muchas otras ciudades y comunidades hasta la Ciudad de Kansas, fue un recorrido lleno de aprendizajes sobre la cultura de esa parte solidaria del pueblo norteamericano.

La bonita cuidad de Duluth, Minnesota,
una de las muchas que nos trató con mucho calor humano.

Reafirmamos la idea con la que salimos de México, que la solidaridad es un principio fundamental que rompe todo tipo de barreras y creencias, y que permite más allá de la lengua y la idiosincrasia, unir a quienes soñamos con un mundo en paz con justicia y dignidad.

Saludos fraternales y mil gracias

Francisco Cerezo

Coordinador del Comité Cerezo México

Francisco Cerezo Reflects on his Speaker's Tour of the Upper Midwest

This October, Witness for Peace Upper Midwest hosted Mexican human rights defender Francisco Cerezo of Comité Cerezo México for a Speaker’s Tour throughout the region. In numerous universities, churches, and community groups throughout Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas and Missouri, Francisco spoke to over 2,500 people about the effects of U.S. Policy in Mexico.

Francisco presenting to "Advocates for Human Rights" in Minneapolis, Minnesota

He helped the U.S. public understand the difference between the rhetoric around the “Drug War” and the reality of the “Drug War,” focusing special attention on the Mérida Initiative. This 1.6 billion dollar package, the great majority of which comes in the form of military equipment, arms, and training, has had devastating effects on the Mexican people. Besides a major increase in human rights violations by the Army, Federal Police and Navy, it’s resulted in more than 60,000 dead (most of whom had nothing to do with drugs or drug trafficking), 25,000 disappeared, and 150,000 displaced. As Mr. Cerezo pointed out, these are official figures from the Mexican government, and many human rights organizations put the numbers much higher. Below are Francisco’s reflections after his tireless and fruitful tour.

“A work tour of  the Upper Midwest, USA”

The first thing that surprised me in the United States was the influence of the Spanish language in all areas of U.S. life, including the bottle of hot sauce next to the mustard and ketchup in fast food restaurants and diners. This is a significant sign of a Latin American - particularly Mexican - influence. The last time I was in the states was 15 years ago, when things were different and Spanish was restricted to Mexican and Latino immigrant circles.

In terms of the work, I could relate to the Witness for Peace Upper Midwest coordinator, because her work is very similar to ours. She too counts on volunteers who supplement the work and logistical needs of the organization, and maintains and cultivates new contacts with many people who are sensitive to social problems, in this case, in Mexico.

It didn’t surprise me to see that the mass media in the U.S. doesn’t effectively report on the problems of other countries, and even social problems within the U.S. It’s not that this media phenomenon doesn’t exist in Mexico, but it’s not quite as severe, and there are more critical alternatives to mass media that provide a more balanced assessment of what’s happening in Mexico.

One of the several community radio stations (alternatives to the "mass media") Francisco spoke on. This one, WORT, is located in Madison, Wisconsin.

In most of the places where we spoke about the Merida Initiative and its impact on Mexico, nobody knew anything about this military aid program to the Mexican government. In the same way, the discussion of corruption as one of Mexico’s fundamental problems is very prevalent, to the point where it seems that if you’re not American, you’re automatically part of this phenomenon.

If nothing else, our presentation made people ask themselves why their taxpayer money is used to generate so much violence in Mexico, when it’s supposed to do the opposite. We believe that this is a fundamental question that makes many people reflect and brings people closer to Witness for Peace Upper Midwest’s work.  

Francisco Cerezo and Witness for Peace Upper Midwest Regional
Organizer Elise Roberts with Congressman Keith Ellison, after a meeting with him.

Although covering more than 3,000 kilometers (1900 miles) and five states was quite tiring, it was also enriching to talk with so many people interested in the subject. It would have been impossible for Comite Cerezo Mexico to get its message out were it not for the solidarity and fraternal support of so many people, and of Witness for Peace.

Francisco presents to yet another group of university students and staff.

We thank all those who lent us their helping hands, andthose who shared their tables and homes so that we could restore our energy and continue our tour throughout the beautiful Upper Midwest region. There were unforgettable people, from Duluth to Minneapolis, from Milwaukee to Iowa, and many other cities and communities all the way to Kansas City. It was a tour in which we learned a lot about solidarity in this region of the U.S.

Duluth, Minnesota - located on Lake Superior -
one of the many cities that welcomed is with open arms.

To reiterate something that I stated when we were leaving Mexico for the tour, solidarity is a fundamental principle that breaks through all barriers and beliefs, and that goes beyond language and cultural idiosyncrasies and unites us in our dream of a peaceful, just and dignified world.

Warmly and thankfully,

Francisco Cerezo
Coordinator, Comite Cerezo Mexico