"The greatest anguish": forced disappearance in Mexico

by Maggie Ervin with Nadín Reyes Maldonado

In his state of the union address a few weeks ago, Mexican president Peña Nieto acknowledged that this past year had been “difficult.” In fact, his entire term has been difficult. Not so much for the companies benefiting from his constitutional reforms, the escaped kingpin Chapo Guzman, or the contractor who sold the first lady a luxury house suspiciously below market value. But it’s certainly been difficult for the 55.3 million Mexicans who are poor, and especially for human rights defenders. During his less than three years in office, there have been 81 cases of forced disappearances of human rights defenders (versus the already high 53 during the entire 6-year administration of his predecessor). 

This Saturday marks the one-year anniversary since the forced disappearances of the 43 students of Ayotzinapa. Despite the government’s denials, an independent investigation by the IAHCR demonstrated that municipal, state and federal police all actively paritipated in the attacks on the students, and that military officers were present at at least two of the attack scenes. If that weren’t enough, it also found that the government destroyed key evidence. 

But when we talk about disappearances in Mexico, 43 is not the only relevant number. 26,000 is also. At least that many Mexicans have been disappeared since the US-supported Drug War went into effect in 2006. 

Nadín Reyes Maldonado is an expert on the topic. Ever since her father Edmundo Reyes and his friend Gabriel Cruz were forcibly disappeared in 2007, she has been working tirelessly on the topic: searching for justice in her father’s case, supporting other family members of disappeared, raising consciousness about the issue, and advocating for preventive laws and measures. She and three other women make up the organization Comité de Familiares de Detenidos-Desaparecidos Hasta Encontrarlos (in English, Committee of Family Members of the Disappeared and Detained ‘Until We Find Them’).

I sat down with her recently and asked a few questions. 

Nadín speaking in Oaxaca

WFP: A year ago the Ayotzinapa case caused horror and indignation on an international scale. However, ever since the Dirty War and especially since the War on Drugs began in Mexico, forced disappearances have been happening here. Why does the Mexican government turn to this crime against humanity? What does it gain? 

Nadín: We think that the crime of forced disappearance is the pefect crime for the government because it causes terror in the population and paralyzes various sectors of society. It also sends a message to certain human rights organizations and movements to dismantle themselves and end their work. Forced disappearances are now being committed against the population in general, not just activists. But it continues to be used selectively - as it was in the sixties and seventies - against social organizations and human rights defenders, with this objective of dismantling them through fear and terror. The government wants its people to be stuck in paralysis so that it can continue implementing neoliberal policies. This is what we see. And it’s important to keep in mind that forced disappearance is a form of torture and repression against the people. Unlike simply killing, disappearing someone creates a lot of distress and anxiety. Their loved ones don’t know what happened to the person who’s missing. And that’s different than an extrajudicial killing or murder, when there’s closure in the process. There’s a grieving process and closure, knowing that the person has been killed. There’s the body, the evidence. In the case of forced disappearance, you don’t know if the person is dead. You don’t know if the person is alive or not, and that creates more anxiety and uncertainty, great anguish and pain in the family and the population as a whole. And therefore it’s a more effective practice that is used by the government to maintain uncertainty in the population.

WFP: In the case of the forced disappearance of your father, the authories didn’t want to take a report in Oaxaca, where it occurred. Furthermore, they denied that it had happened. In cases of forced disappearances, how common are these types of obstacles?

Nadín: In the majority of cases, similiar things happen, as in the case of our family. We’ve heard testimonies of mothers where the same thing’s happened, where the authorities don’t want to take reports of this crime. They put up a lot of roadblocks, and refuse to take action. One issue is that the crime is not classified as such in all states. Additionally, they often tell the family members to go back home, or claim the disappeared person probably just left without saying anything, that they’ll probably be back in a few days. They give excuse after excuse as to not take the report. And that’s why... I think that it’s in over 80 percent of the cases that institutions give the same response, in order to not take a report.  And the authorities intimidate a lot. Not only do they not take reports, but they also threaten family members. They tell them not to report the crime because since they already have a family member disappeared, one of them might also be disappeared. And they recommend not moving forward with a report. That’s the most common response from the authorities, who not only don’t take reports, but also intimidate and threaten folks not to make reports.

WFP: As part of your work, you support and share information with family members of disappeared. Are there patterns that you’ve noticed in their cases? 

Nadín: One of the patterns we’ve seen is the difficulty of identifying who the actors are. We’ve identified them as paramilitary groups, but because they’re usually dressed in black with high-caliber weapons and ski masks, it can be hard to identify them, and to link them directly to the authoriries or state agents. It’s difficult to determine. However, in this context - in this country -  a lot of criminal groups were started by members of the armed forces who deserted, or by police that we can clearly identify as operating as parastatal groups. This is so the government will not be held responsible for the disappearances. These are the majority of the cases that we currently see. Many of the disappearances that are happening now are being committed by these groups. Many call them organized crime but we have identified them as paramlitary groups acting with the clear support and consent of the state. Additionally, along with the crime of forced disappearances, there may be other crimes committed. For example, the disappearance of women which can be linked to human trafficking and sexual exploitation. There have also been collective disappearances of men, to create a workforce, where they’re forced into exploitative work, used for their labor. Then there are also many other related crimes; it’s very difficult to identify or separate one from another. There’s also a pattern we’ve seen in terms of ages. For the most part it’s young folks who are disappeared, of working age, when they’re strong and capable. And some with certain professional or technical skills have been disappeared. This may also indicate that they’re being subjected to forced labor. These are some of the things we’ve identified. And then there are the disappearances of human rights defenders who participate in social and political movements. And we can identify state police, municipal police, and the army that have commited them. And it’s sometimes made clearer by threats made prior to the disappearance. And sometimes there are testimonials of people who see the moment of arrest of people who are subsequently disappeared, and this also points to the participation state agents.

members of Hasta Encontrarlos ("Until We Find Them")

WFP: Since 2006, Mexico has become more and more militarized in the name of the War on Drugs and national security. The US strongly supports this trend, and in fact has channeled more than 2.4 billion dollars for this purpose through the Merida Initiative. What effect has this militarization in Mexico had in terms of human rights violations in general and on forced disappearances specifically?

Nadín: This militarization has brought about an increase in human rights violations. It’s irrefutable, and it’s been well documented by various human rights organizations that in areas where there’s a greater presence of military personnel, there have been more human rights abuses. Chihuahua was one of the first states to militarize. Michoacán was one where the Merida Initiative was first employed. And these are states where thousands of human rights violations have been committed. Michoacán, in 2010, was one of the first states with cases of collective forced disappearances committed in the wake of militarization, and because of the creation of special forces to supposedly fight organized crime groups. And in the North, there have been many violations including extrajudicial killings, forced displacement, and forced disappearances of both men and women. So what we say is that in addition to being a war supposedly against drug trafficking, it’s a war against the people. A war focused more on putting fear and terror in the people under the pretext of fighting drug trafficking. But in fact, the allegations made by the local people show that in areas where the armed forces are, it’s brought more insecurity and fear. They don’t feel protected. On the contrary, there are many testimonies indicating collusion between the military and alleged criminal groups. This is well-documented, and it’s clear that they’re not there to protect, but instead mostly to instill fear and terror in the population. This is what militarization has brought to this country. One example of this is the rejection of the people, who increasingly demand that the armed forces return to their barracks. They don’t want the army doing this type of security work, because…it has a negative effect. There is clear evidence of this. Recently, a child was killed in Ostula, Michoacan who was hit by a bullet fired by soldiers. And there are countless testimonies like this one. So it’s not appropriate. The army wasn’t created to do public security work, but to protect the integrity and security of the nation. It can’t do law enforcement work because it’s not trained for that.

WFP: The majority of the readers of our blogs are US citizens. How can a US citizen be in solidarity with Mexico to support a change in terms of human rights and forced disappearances?

Nadín: I think one way they could be in solidarity with our country on the issue of forced disappearances would be first: questioning the situation in their own country, as Americans. Taking a stand against policies that hurt out country. The US intervenes in our security issues, and that’s one of the causes of increased forced disappearances. US resources are invested in the name of national security, under the pretext of fighting crime. But instead of being used to that end, they’re used to commit serious human rights violations which I’ve already mentioned. So one of the ways that US citizens can support us is questioning their government. How is this money being invested? They can be critical and they question. Another way is to disseminate information and bring light to the issues of human rights in Mexico and how Mexican citizens live in fear of forced disappearances. And I think it could be done in many ways. Sometimes there are young people with professions that may be able to support with their expertise. They can write and share information, and send any kind of support. Perhaps an exchange program where they learn about what’s happening here, and they can link up with organizations here and study and analyze what’s happening in Mexico. And they could share what they experience back in their country and their communities.They can also help with economic resources or with specific materials which we sometimes need. Most of the organizations struggling against forced disappearance are organizations that don’t have material resources, they’re grassroots. And sometimes very minimal support is invaluable to continue their work. So that’s another way you can help support these Mexican organizations.

Nadín will be on the Witness for Peace-Southeast Fall Speaker’s Tour in North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama and Georgia from November 1 - 22. Stay tuned here for more info. 

Show your solidarity with the students of Ayotzinapa this Saturday, September 26th: http://www.soaw.org/news/organizing-updates/4323-ayotzinapa-events-1-year-after-mexican-state-crime-and-us-complicity

Sign this (easy, fast) urgent action demanding the US withdraw funding for militarization of Mexico: http://org.salsalabs.com/o/727/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=18454

Human Trafficking: not an isolated phenomenon

by Sue Davis (WFP Mexico Program delegate)

“If you promise a girl heaven, you can take her to hell.” (Quote from a human trafficker overheard by human rights attorney Malika Saada Saar.) 

This quote took on many layers of meaning as our group encountered various human rights violations in Mexico. And who was our group? A delegation of seven members from Plymouth United Church of Christ and one Quaker from Des Moines, Iowa, embarked on a Witness for Peace experience in Mexico. The focus of our trip was the issue of human trafficking, which we found to be deeply connected to other issues of economic and social justice, both in Mexico and the United States. Our Witness for Peace facilitator, Maggie, engaged speakers and created experiences that allowed us to understand the context in which the phenomenon of human trafficking occurs and to connect personally with Mexicans and Americans fighting for justice on the frontlines.

“Tan lejos de Dios, tan cerca de Estados Unidos.” (“So far from God, so close to the U.S.”) 

Francisco Cerezo, our first speaker, quoted this phrase when he explained the cause of many human rights violations in Mexico. He was speaking from his personal experience of working for the freedom of three of his brothers, who had been illegally arrested and imprisoned in 2001.The government had trumped up charges against them of terrorism. Through the diligent efforts of their lawyer, Digna Ochoa, the youngest brother was freed after three years, and the older two after seven years of incarceration and torture. Comité Cerezo - which consists of the five Cerezo siblings as well as many collaborators - has established a center (named after the lawyer) for aiding other victims of human rights violations.  Francisco’s fourteen years of experience have led him to see how U.S. policies, especially the Mérida Initiative - meant to combat drug trafficking and organized crime - have increased human rights violations in Mexico. According to the fact sheet issued by Witness for Peace about the Mérida Initiative, aka Plan México, the 2.4 billion dollars appropriated by Congress to train Mexican state security forces and to deliver military aircraft and drug interdiction equipment have coincided with a five-fold increase in complaints of human rights violations by Mexican soldiers and federal police, including torture, rape, extrajudicial execution, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearance. Almost none of these cases have been prosecuted. The impunity rate in Mexico is between 95 and 98%. According to Francisco Cerezo, the culture of impunity continues because an extensive network exists among businessmen, the government, and organized crime. In spite of the odds and multiple death threats, Comité Cerezo continues to document human rights violations in Mexico and to find ways to prevent them.

“I felt anger and denial.” Maru’s emotions during the four-five years that it took her to feel that she had made the right decision to return to Mexico after having lived in the United States from the age of eight through the completion of her college education in New York.

We had the opportunity to hear the personal stories of six young people who had lived in the United States with their parents but were undocumented. Either they returned to Mexico voluntarily when they recognized the limitations that their undocumented status placed on their future, or they were deported. Having spent their formative years in the U.S., all of these young people faced discrimination and red tape when they returned to Mexico. The authorities did not recognize their high school or college educations. The young people often felt anger and denial for a long time before they were able to adjust to life in Mexico. Most had to live with relatives other than their immediate family and sometimes did not feel welcomed by them. In 2013 an organization called Dream in Mexico was formed to help returnees find educational, cultural and career opportunities in their native country. In turn, our group felt anger and dismay that our country has not found a humane way to treat undocumented immigrants who have lived in the U.S. for many years and who have a lot to contribute to our society.

Did you know that Pinocchio and Little Red Riding Hood are tools to educate young children about human trafficking and the vulnerability of victims?

Our speaker, Mayra Rojas, founder and director of an organization called Infancia Común, opened our eyes to the problem of human trafficking of children in Mexico. She claimed that prevention through education is the best measure to take, since rehabilitation of the victims of human trafficking is practically impossible. The statistics of the number of people affected by the problem are not accurate because there is no collaboration among agencies. The last study in 1999 claimed 16,000-20,000 children under the age of 18 were victims, and the numbers have been trending upwards ever since. The poverty of many Mexicans has made it easy to entice them to allow trafficking because they need the money. The consumer mentality of having or needing more has invaded the culture. International laws exist to prevent human trafficking, but they need to be stronger.

120 changes were made to the Mexican constitution to accommodate NAFTA.

This astounding fact was pointed out to us during Maggie’s summary of the history of U.S.-Mexico economic relations. One of the major changes was the allowing the sale and privatization of ejidos, which are communally owned lands that had been created by breaking up the ancient haciendas and which were never intended to be confiscated or sold. In addition, on June 1^st, 1994, the day NAFTA went into effect, there was a Zapatista uprising. Among other issues they were protesting the elimination of tariffs and protections for Mexican grown corn. Now, in Mexico, the birthplace of corn and a country whose dietary staple is corn, over 35% of corn consumed is imported from the U.S. NAFTA has been devastating for small farmers. Farmers from the southern state of Oaxaca have moved north to Baja California or the U.S. to work the fields. All this migration destroys the social fabric of the country. In addition, after a perfect storm of economic conditions in Mexico in the early ‘80’s, the IMF swept in with a 7.2 billion dollar loan in 1982 and insisted that the social safety net be dismantled. This has not done much too improve the lives of the 60 million Mexicans, almost half of the population, who are living in poverty. This poverty has pushed 1 in 10 Mexicans to migrate to the U.S. 

“The drug cartels know that drugs can only be sold once, but women can be sold again and again and again,” says Teresa Ulloa, director of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women and Girls in Latin America and the Caribbean.

This was a point brought up by Gaby, the director of Casa Tochan, a shelter for refugees and migrants from Central America who either intended Mexico or the U.S. as their final destination. After 9/11 in the U.S., the closing of the U.S.-Mexican border caused a bottleneck in the flow of migrants, principally from Central America, in Mexico. Consequently, thousands of people were put at high risk due to a lack of safety nets of families and gainful employment to support them. It’s a very complex issue, but generating magnets for growth in their countries of origin and improving their educational opportunities would eliminate the need to emigrate.

In the meantime, Mexico has built steel barriers along the south-north rail tracks to obstruct the hopping of the train by migrants. The consequence of this policy is the increased number of migrants taking the entire journey through Mexico by foot along dangerous routes well known to human traffickers and drug cartels. Women who stop at a shelter near the southern border of Mexico are given contraceptive vaccinations because they most certainly will suffer rape and abuse along the way. Gaby, who runs the shelter, wants to prevent human traffickers from posing as migrants and then exploiting the residents by enticing them with false promises that lead them into lives serving the drug cartels and human traffickers, who often work in tandem. Migrants and refugees have been coerced into growing, making or transporting illegal drugs for the cartels or have been enslaved as domestic workers and sex slaves for them. The cartels have found it more lucrative to sell women for sex than to sell drugs.

Here is a common migrant worker’s story: I paid a recruiting fee of $500 to work at a meatpacking plant, I paid a visa fee of $950, (it’s actually $190), I paid my transportation costs to the U.S., I paid for my hotel room while waiting for approval from the embassy, and I paid for travel costs to the final work site.

Sarah Farr of the Center for Migrant Rights, which has two offices, one in Baltimore and one in Mexico City, related this story to us as she explained the H2 visa system of the United States to us. We discovered that H2A visa workers in the agricultural sector have a lot more protections than those that come to work on a H2B visa. The H2B visas encompass such businesses as landscaping, forestry (cutting Christmas trees), and carnivals. Unlike businesses recruiting under H2A visas, H2B companies do not have to reveal who their migrant labor recruiters are. This right to hide their recruiters was supported by JKJ Workforce, which is an American agency that recruits for carnivals and is owned by Jim Judkins in Texas. He has formed the Outdoor Amusement Business Association, which has joined forces with landscaping businesses to form a powerful lobbying group. They have prevented the strict enforcement of labor laws, such as not providing a list of their labor recruiters. Their labor recruiters are subcontractors in Mexico that often resort to fraud to line their own pockets by charging workers recruitment fees. These are prohibited both by the U.S. Dept. of Labor and the Mexican government. Over 50% of workers actually pay these illegal fees. Carnival workers often work 100 hours per week in 36-hour shifts with no time to sleep. Their pay is not commensurate with their hours because weekly flat-rate wages are permitted in H2B visas. The fair and carnival industry is the only one exempt from a minimum wage requirement. Ten carnival workers might be crowded into living in one trailer with no kitchen or bathroom. They have to cook on hotplates outdoors. As a further insult, there is no safety protection when they erect and tear down the equipment. Many have suffered great bodily injury in accidents. How can a democracy allow a powerful lobbying group to effect policy that denies basic human dignity to workers who have come here with legal documents?

“Mexico is a clandestine cemetery. There are mass graves everywhere.” (Quote from Araceli Rodriguez)

Araceli Rodriguez came to talk to our group about her son Luis Angel, a federal policeman, who was disappeared at the age of 23 on November 16, 2009. He and six other federal policemen and one civilian were disappeared on their way to Hidalgo, Michoacán, where the policemen were commissioned to occupy the building of the municipal director because his life was being threatened. At 3:00 on November 16 they were kidnapped by the cartel Michoacán, which is now known as the Caballeros Templarios (Knights Templar). The government didn’t know that the seven men were missing until 6 days after the kidnapping. Araceli went directly to the government office to inform the officials that the policemen were missing and to ask about the welfare of her son. Armed men in the office took her and threw her out on the street. The government didn’t have any information about the missing 7 people. 

Thus began Araceli’s quest to find justice for her son. Besides the perpetrators of the kidnappings and killings who have been convicted, three levels of government, (state, federal, county), were complicit in this case, but no one has been charged criminally or civilly. Araceli is still pushing to try them in court and says that she’ll never give up. A major problem is the distrust of the police and government officials because you don’t know if you’re actually talking to someone involved in organized crime or to someone who is trustworthy. Corruption is prevalent at all levels of government and police.

Drug trafficking and human trafficking have contributed to the ubiquitous corruption and high rate of impunity. The drug cartels have stocked up on weapons and have the means to pursue human trafficking and organ trafficking. By way of human trafficking, the cartels have kidnapped victims to manufacture the drugs and to transport them. Thousands of Mexicans who are disappeared probably are not dead. The authorities know this because they are part of the cartels themselves. Of course, it is not to their advantage to have this exposed.

How does a community function when 30-40% of its families have migrating members?

The answer to this question is an organization called CAFAMI in San Francisco Tetlanohcan in the state of Tlaxcala. CAFAMI is a local organization that, primarily through theater and community projects, seeks to mitigate the phenomenon of migration and its impact on women and families. The consequences of migration are separated families and women searching for employment and having total responsibility for raising their families. Often the grandparents are in charge of raising their grandchildren. CAFAMI has striven to reduce the negative effects of migration by encouraging leadership among the women of the community and giving them the opportunity to develop their rights as citizens. CAFAMI is a place where women can reflect on the social impact of migration on their personal lives and on community life. The women reconstruct their identities through dancing, singing, acting, and cooking. An advantage of the group’s theatrical and cultural activities is their ability to travel to the U.S. to present their heritage. Once there, they can visit their relatives who have immigrated to the U.S. The Mexican government has mostly ignored the effects and causes of migration. To counter the government’s inaction, CAFAMI has joined 3 other organizations as a collective voice known as Colectiva sin Fronteras to work together to push for stronger laws protecting migrants and their families.

“There are boys who want to grow up to be traffickers, but there are no girls who want to grow up to be prostitutes.” (Quote from Emilio Muñoz)

How can it be that there are boys who want to grow up to be traffickers? According to Emilio Muñoz, the director of the Center for Human Rights and Local Development "Fray Julian Garcés" in Tlaxcala, there are entire family trafficking networks operating today that began with the grandfather and that have been maintained by subsequent generations. The adolescent boys in these families actually aspire to be traffickers. The role of the young men in trafficking families is to put psychological pressure on vulnerable young women by first showing up in a poor village in an expensive car. He claims to be in love with a young woman and shows her photos of the expensive houses he owns. He showers her with gifts and constantly sends her text messages. He claims that the girl is the woman of his dreams and that he wants to marry her. He even meets the girl’s family and impresses them by organizing birthday parties for family members and by bringing them food. Consequently, the family is convinced to allow the union of the trafficker and the young girl to go forward. After the wedding, he moves her to his community. Upon their return, his next step is to get her pregnant. The girl’s child or children stay in the trafficker’s home and are cared for by his female relatives.  The children’s lot in life is to continue the trafficking network of the family.

Since 1990, a common theme has been for the trafficker to move with his “wife” to a city, often in the U.S. and most commonly to New York. Once in the city, the trafficker invents an economic crisis and convinces the girl that the only way to get out of the situation is for her to become a prostitute. To protect her “husband’s” life, she will sacrifice whatever is necessary. This is a cultural expectation. If she refuses to become a prostitute, the trafficker threatens her child, her family or even her younger sister by capturing her and forcing her into prostitution. The women stay in prostitution for 10-15 years. They have up to 30 clients per day. They are able to work every day of the week because the traffickers give them medication to stop their menses.

Of course, there have to be clients or consumers to complete the human trafficking cycle. The current trend of neo-liberal thought promotes accumulation of capital. Trafficking has commercialized women’s bodies, which can be sold repeatedly to bring in money. People look at the victims’ bodies as a market. The consumers of the market are willing to spend money on prostitution of these trafficked women. According to Emilio Muñoz, everything has become a marketable item: Mexicans’ bodies, Mexican land, their water and air. For Mexicans, these things are not commodities but are considered sacred and a source of life.

Children of the Monroe Doctrine: The Militarized Roots of America's Border Calamity

by Arturo J. Viscarra and Michael Prentice

- The border crisis can't be solved without the U.S. coming to terms with its role in creating the awful conditions refugees are fleeing.

"[I]n the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States . . . to the exercise of an international police power.” --Theodore Roosevelt, 1904.

photo credit: Matthew Cole/Shutterstock.com

It’s impossible to understand the root causes of the current wave of Central Americans arriving in the United States, and therefore the appropriate U.S. response, without acknowledging the historical relationship between the U.S. and Central America. Unfortunately, the debate in Congress and in the mainstream media has not considered altering our foreign policy as it focuses on whether or not the U.S. has new obligations under international law or a moral duty to treat non-citizen children with compassion. Vice President Biden recently referred to them as “our kids”, stressing the importance of due process for the children's asylum claims, but he simultaneously called for a reiteration of the failed, militarized "Plan Colombia" in Central America. Before rushing into more Drug War militarization, the U.S. needs to accept its share of the responsibility in creating the current political, social, and economic conditions refugees are fleeing.

The 1823 Monroe Doctrine, which declared the U.S. the sole power in the Western Hemisphere, set the stage for continuing U.S. control in Central America through military interventions or the financing, arming, and training of pro-U.S. local elites and their armed forces.  By the 1880s, many Central American and Caribbean republics were reduced to “protectorates or in effect client states” of the U.S., according to historian John Coatsworth. During the Banana Wars, the U.S. military intervened in Honduras seven times in twelve years. The 1954 CIA-orchestrated Guatemalan coup sparked a civil war that lasted until 1996. In the 1980s, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala were inundated with U.S. military aid and advisers, resulting in mass carnage and mass migration to the U.S. The “Banana Republic” of Honduras became a staging ground for U.S.-trained armed forces fighting leftists in the three countries it borders, earning the nickname “U.S.S. Honduras.”

The School of the Americas (SOA), established in 1946, embodies the U.S.’ traditional policy towards Central America: applying military solutions to social and economic problems. Graduates of the SOA include the most notorious Central American human rights violators: members of the Battalion 316 in Honduras; the murderers of Archbishop Oscar Romero, four U.S. churchwomen, and over 900 civilians in El Salvador; and former and current Presidents of Guatemala connected to genocidal military campaigns. Despite the Pentagon’s claims of change and transparency, it has refused to release the names of SOA graduates for the last 10 years. Be it Cold War or Drug War, the SOA continues to enable U.S. allies to commit human rights violations in the name of democracy.

June 28, 2015 marked the sixth anniversary of the SOA graduate-led military coup that ousted democratically-elected Honduran president Manuel Zelaya. Thousands of coup opponents have been threatened, beaten, tortured, disappeared, or killed.  Meanwhile, the U.S. worked diligently to guarantee that the coup regime remained in power, and quickly recognized the results of the two tainted elections that put Porfirio Lobo and Juan Orlando Hernandez in power. Post-coup Honduran security forces have received increased U.S. military aid and training despite their well-known record of human rights violations and infiltration by the drug cartels they ostensibly combat. The Pentagon has built at least three new U.S. military installations in Honduras since the coup, revealing a U.S. motive in its illogical actions: its attachment to the “U.S.S. Honduras.”

It should be no surprise that Honduras, accounting for 29% of unaccompanied minors who surrendered to Border Patrol in 2014, has for the first time become the number one source of Central American migration when the U.S.-backed Honduran regimes have exacerbated lawlessness, violence, and economic alienation over the last five years. In all of its dealings in Central America, the U.S. collaborates militarily with local oligarchies to enforce unequal political and economic status quos. The current wave of children and adults fleeing Central America is at least partly due to the continuation of the supremacy of Pentagon whim over the basic needs of the poor majority of Central America.

photo credit: Getty Images

It is imperative to consider why Nicaraguans are not migrating en masse despite facing similar historical, economic, and imperialist obstacles as other Central American countries. After decades of brutal U.S.-backed governments, the current Nicaraguan government has been able to escape a large degree of U.S. control and form its own security policies.  The results are Nicaragua’s far lower levels of violence and forced migration than its neighbors, despite similar levels of poverty. The U.S. can learn from Nicaragua’s success in areas such as policing, to help solve the child migrant crisis, but only with a fundamental change from the U.S.-promoted culture of the security forces in neighboring countries.

Since 2008, the U.S. has spent over $800 million in security aid to Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador through the “Central American Regional Security Initiative” (CARSI) as well as millions more in bilateral military and police aid to each country where it fights the Drug War. But when that money goes to the likes of Honduras’s cartel-infiltrated politicians and brutal state security forces, is it surprising that the rule of law further deteriorates? Central American adults are risking their lives and those of their children to escape the historical and current system of violence that the U.S. refuses to recognize its role in creating. Who is more irresponsible, the parents or the Pentagon? Who is more rational, the parents or the U.S. Congress?

In 2013, after nearly 200 years, Secretary of State John Kerry declared the era of the Monroe Doctrine over. Still, it appears that business as usual continues for the Pentagon and its corrupt allies in Honduras and Guatemala. As record numbers of Central American refugees are detained at the border, the media and policy-makers need to admit that these children are the progeny of armed conflicts funded by U.S. taxpayers. Honest, bold, and research-based reevaluations of foreign policy towards the region must be conducted and implemented for conditions in Central America to improve any time soon.

Arturo J. Viscarra migrated to the U.S. from El Salvador during the civil war. He is an immigration attorney and the Advocacy Coordinator for School of the Americas Watch.

Michael Prentice is a student at Vassar College interning for SOA Watch. 

Join Michael, Arturo, and thousands of others for the 25th anniversary of the SOA Vigil this November: http://soaw.org/november.

Coca Cola Workers on Hunger Strike

Coca Cola workers affiliated with the Sinaltrainal union are currently gathering in the center of Bogotá to protest unjust working conditions and serious human rights violations. The protest occurs shortly after the four year anniversary of the Labor Action Plan, a document intended to better labor rights in the country but that has not been upheld. Unionists across different sectors of the Colombian workforce continue to risk their lives as they demand justice. The original article in Spanish can be found here.

URGENT SOLIDARITY WITH THE COCA COLA WORKERS. As of 2PM on April 13, 2015, workers who are members of Sinaltrainal and are at the service of this multinational company, have declared a Hunger Strike in the Bolivar Plaza of Bogotá, demanding that the Colombian authorities call a national roundtable with participation from Sinaltrainal and Coca Cola to solve the following cases:

In Barrancabermeja, Coca Cola contracted Carelis Cadavid, the wife of the renowned paramilitary boss Wilfred Martínez, alias “Gavilán”, orchestrator of the attack against Coca Cola's infrastructure who threatened, displaced, and falsely accused Sinaltrainal leaders. Due to those accusations, the Attorney General opened an investigation into conspiracies to commit crimes and, presumably, terrorism.

Miguel Ángel García Barbosa, worked for Coca Cola in Barrancabermeja and had a warrant out for his arrest for belonging to the criminal gang “Los Canoeros” and being tasked with following Sinaltrainal leaders. Coca Cola refuses to resettle threatened workers who were displaced with their families to other cities, but instead forces them to work in the same sites where they received the threats, putting their lives at risk.

In Bucaramanga, Coca Cola assembled Privada Visa security as anti-riot forces who wore shields and practiced military maneuvers to face the union protest and intimidate workers. The company's militaristic policy was also seen in an incident at the Medellín plant, where armored cars and tanks from the National Police entered to suppress subcontracted workers who were protesting against workplace pressures and dangers and the firing of one of their coworkers who was affiliated with Sinaltrainal. The situation resulted in the firing of every unionized worker.

More than thirty workers have been falsely accused and prosecuted for criminal accusations by Coca Cola. The company, who improperly uses the law and manipulates circumstances, executes their anti-union strategy against workers who denounce, protest, and reclaim their rights. They have asked judges to revoke the status and make certain branches of Sinaltrainal illegal.

Amcor, Eficacia, Proservis, FL Colombia S.A.S., Sodexo, Atemcon, and Imbera are all companies Coca Cola uses as a facade to subcontract over 70% of their workers. Whoever unionizes is fired or their memberships are declared illegal through judicial processes. Other workers were brought together under Coca Cola's direction and pressured to renounce the union. Such was the case in Cali's plant on August 6, 2014. Coca Cola notoriously violates union freedoms.

Risking our lives, Coca Cola published banners and photographs of workers and their families, stigmatizing our protest as barbaric and accusing us of supposed damage to private property.

In Bogotá, Coca Cola was penalized for contaminating the Capellanía wetlands. They refused to pay the Capital District $46 billion pesos (almost $20 million USD) for sewage and water utilities. Furthermore they have appropriated water sources in Capellanía limestone quarry.

At the start of this year, Coca Cola began operating in the bottling plant they installed in Tocancipá where they consume 1,680,000 cubic meters of water, a figure which represents 68.5% of the municipality's needs. This means that the multinational company is literally sucking water away from the citizens of Tocanipá. Because Coca Cola needs to guarantee water for their production, they have announced the excavation of wells 800 meters deep, without caring about the harm it will cause.

This bottling plant will function with approximately 150 workers and will leave hundreds of other workers, who worked in the Fontibón plant in Bogotá until its closing, without employment and support.

Coca Cola does not guarantee health nor safety in the workplace. Hundreds of laborers are sick from poor working conditions and others have been killed, flattened by machinery or distribution trucks. Many have suffered workplace accidents, like Simón Vega Henao, who is now disabled and has had to declare a hunger strike for Coca Cola to respond to his health needs. Coca Cola removes Sinaltrainal leaders from their labor force and refuses to comply with reinstating them, as has been ordered by judges.

Coca Cola violates the Collective Bargaining Agreement, denying union permits and obstructing union freedoms.

We are the victims of 12 assassinations, unjust imprisonment, 68 death threats, attacks against the lives of workers and their families, 54 displacements, and various exiles after surviving attacks and escaping kidnapping. Paramilitaries entered the Carepa Plant and forced workers to renounce Sinaltrainal, later burning the union's headquarters and stealing belongings and files. On February 8, 1999, the magazine “Cambio” reported on meetings held between officials of Coca Cola's bottling plants and paramilitary commanders. However, to date, the [paramilitary] beneficiaries of the Justice and Peace Law have not indicated how deep this multinational company's involvement in the Colombian conflict is.

For the Life and Liberty of the Union, Coca Cola Workers are on a Hunger Strike

SINALTRAINAL Representing

Colombia, April 13-17, 2015.

Life and Death, Hope and Fear: a visit to Iguala

by Maggie Ervin

The city of Iguala in Guerrero state, Mexico

It was here in Iguala, a city whose name means “place of the serene nights,” where local police killed six people and disappeared 43 students on the night of Sept 26th. This latest episode in Mexico - unlike many other bloody events since massive US - supported militarization began here in 2007 - has made national and international headlines, and sparked tens of thousands of Mexicans to take to the streets in protest. The outrage is palpable. As Edgar, a man I spoke with here in Iguala, put it, “We never thought they’d go this far. They really gave it to us this time…People are fed up.” For the last six weeks, despite the government’s promise to do all it can to find the students and its unprecedented deployment of federal police and army on the search, they have yet to be found.

Although its population is less than 120,000, Iguala, Guerrero, is an important city in Mexico due to its key role in the country’s history. In 1821, the famous Plan of Iguala was signed here, declaring Mexico free of Spanish rule. Soon after, the first national flag was both designed and sewn here. And Iguala is the only city mentioned in the national anthem. So if you’re Mexican, you’ve probably heard of it. If there’s national, historic symbolism to this place, it’s hard not to see recent events here as emblematic of Mexico's present. 

Death is all around these days, it seems: images of Catrina, the skeleton woman who dons a lavish 19th century hat; the colorful sugar skulls of all sizes called calaveritas; kids dressed up as zombies and ghosts. All this, of course, because this weekend was Day of the Dead, a celebration with a rich pre-Hispanic history - later syncretized with All Saints’ Day - which involves remembering and communing with the dead. But it seems there are other deaths around as well: That of trust. (Something's wrong when you fear your police. Or when, as a sovereign nation with plenty of forensic experts, your citizens demand you bring in their Argentinian counterparts to identify the bodies.) That of security. (My taxi drivers: “People are careful about who they talk to. You should be too.” “Please get in the front seat if you want to talk.”) That of any remaining confidence in the country’s three main political parties (all tainted with corruption and links to organized crime). And it’s easy to lose count of the mass graves found around Iguala. It seems that every few days since the students disappeared, more have been discovered. I thought I’d managed to keep track of how many, at twenty, but then Edgar said there were two new ones just found on the edge of town that had yet to be accounted for.

Like any city, there are official graveyards here too. And on every November 1st and 2nd, families visit them to remember their dead. So by Saturday Iguala’s three cemeteries were replete with families cleaning graves and decorating them with the yellow and purplish-red flowers known as cempasúchil. Meanwhile, its main plaza filled up with captivating and creative tributes: to deceased pets, to Led Zepellin’s drummer, to mortal victims of breast cancer, to a bride in Chihuahua who legend says was embalmed into a mannequin, to Robin Williams, and to the 43 missing students.

The world awaits news of them. Millions of people are desperately hoping that they’re still alive, that there will be no tombstones decorated for them on next year’s Day of the Dead. “They took them alive, we want them back alive!” is being chanted all over Mexico and abroad, in march after crowded march. There have been some testimonies, however, that suggest the students were killed. So while there is hope, there is also fear. Fear that to the more than 60,000 violent deaths in Mexico over the last seven years, there will be added 43 more. Which would be the worst historic legacy that Iguala could leave. 

Iguala’s Flag Museum. The green of the Mexican flag represents liberty, the red union, and the white peace, which feels elusive these days. In addition to recent grisly events, Edgar added that, "If the students are found dead, there's gonna be a bloodbath here."

Mexico's second largest flag lies on the edge of town. Although President Peña Nieto tried to ignore the violence in the country, his focus on “moving Mexico” forward and his claims of security came crashing down with news of the massacre and disappearances. This added to recent revelations that (in his home state) 22 civilians were killed point blank by army members after having surrendered, an event which the army had tried to cover up.

Mexican Independence from Spain was declared here 193 years ago. The declaration contains three main points, the third of which is the "union of all social classes." Unfortunately, though, the divide between haves and have-nots in Mexico is still alarming. Almost half the population is officially considered poor. The 43 missing students all came from humble, rural families and were studying to become schoolteachers in their communities.

Iguala's mayor Jose Luis Abarca quickly fled town as his possible role in the massacre and disappearances, as well as revelations of his close ties with organized crime, came to national light. His fortune expanded rapidly over these last few years, and  among his many properties that sprang up is this shopping mall.

The city's police chief is on the run as well. Soon after the massacre and the subsequent arrests of officers, the local police department was closed. It was later reopened with federal police in charge. Mexico’s federal police, however, have a dubious human rights record, and enjoy widespread impunity for violations. The National Human Rights Commission received 146 complaints of human rights violations by federal police in 2006. By 2012, that number had jumped to 802. Since 2008, over 1.2 billion US taxpayer dollars have been directed to Mexico through the Merida Initiative. Beyond massive military equipment, these funds have supported “security services,” used in part to train and increase these police forces.

There is now a heavy federal police presence in Iguala. “But there’s talk that they’ve started to extort just like the local police did,” said one of my communicative taxi drivers.

A tombstone in the main cemetery of Iguala decorated with the cempasúchil flowers.

A truck in Iguala. The US government has been largely silent about the 43 disappeared students. The White House called it “worrisome” last week, and the State Department only issued a brief statement soon after the incident. Read our recent Action Alert and take action to demand that the US government take a more forceful and vigorous stance.

In the city's main church, this image had special resonance, as "Our Lady of the Sacred Heart, advocate of difficult and desperate causes."

From the tribute to the missing students in Iguala's main plaza: "You took them alive, we want them back alive!"

"Security" in Mexico doesn't apply to many human rights defenders

by Maggie Ervin

Felipe Calderón, president of Mexico from 2006 to 2012, had a way of talking that sounded a bit like George W. Bush, which is to say unapologetically bellicose. As soon as his term started, he declared a War on Drug Trafficking, and quickly put it into full military action. By the end of his term, the results were staggeringly tragic: more than 60,000 Mexicans dead, more than 20,000 disappeared, more than 150,000 displaced, and still plenty of drugs flowing to the U.S. and Europe. The current president, Enrique Peña Nieto has shifted the discourse, avoiding the words “war” and “combat” all together, and instead focusing on what he calls a “national security policy.” Additionally, his attention has been divided as he's been busy promoting and passing a series of constitutional reforms. Unfortunately, though, neither of these factors has meant that respect for human rights has necessarily improved under his administration. By a few measures it has, but by others it's actually gotten worse.

Comite Cerezo Mexico was founded 13 years ago and works in the
defense and promotion of human rights of victims of political repression.  

A report issued last week by Comite Cerezo Mexico, “La Defensa de los Derechos Humanos en Mexico: una lucha contra la Impunidad” (in English, “Defending Human Rights in Mexico: a struggle against impunity”), revealed that forced disappearances have increased under Peña Nieto. The report points out that towards human rights defenders alone, this particular crime against humanity has gone up 60% during his administration. 29 human rights defenders have been disappeared in just eighteen months, as compared to 24 during the same time period of the Calderón administration. On August 30, International Day of Victims of Forced Disappearances,the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights called this situation in Mexico “critical.” 

A public act of remembrance of the disappeared in Mexico. As stated in the report, 
Peña Nieto has tried to "make invisible and diminish violence in his official rhetoric 
as well as through the media...and tried to put forth a message of security and peace." 

During this same year and a half, arbitrary detentions and harassment of human rights defenders have increased as well. Both of these tactics, the report argues, go hand in hand with the implementation of Peña Nieto’s political agenda. His reforms passed over the last year cover many dimensions of Mexican life - labor,fiscal policy, education, telecommunications and energy -  and are complex and extensive. Generally, though, their common thread is an unrepentant move towards privatization. Public opposition to the reforms is fierce and widespread, resulting in protests and blockades and the like by Mexican citizens. Meanwhile, the government has been resorting to repressive measures to quell such protests and to discourage participation. As the report states: “the great majority of those arbitrarily detained… were [detained] because of their political positions and disagreement with the neoliberal policies that are being applied in Mexico.”

Francisco Cerezo presents data from the report,

which covers from June 2013 to May 2014. 

Additionally, despite a less warlike rhetoric than his predecessor, Peña Nieto has hardly scaled down the militarization first initiated by Calderón. Just two weeks ago he launched a new 5,000 strong police force called gendarmerie, a new branch of the Federal Police (a force known for human rights abuses). The U.S. has been more than willing to support this militarization. Since Congress passed the Mérida Intitiative (also called Plan Mérida) in 2007, 1.2 billion USD have been delivered to Mexico, largely in the form of military equipment and training, and all in the name of fighting the War on Drugs. 

But much like its predecessor Plan Colombia, it's done very little to stop the flow of drugs. And yet there are no plans to terminate it. In Fiscal Year 2013 alone, more than 3,000 Mexican military personnel were trained at NORTHCOM in Colorado (an increase of 44% from FY 2011). And the Obama administration has requested 115 million dollars more for the Initiative in its FY 2015 budget proposal. So where do human rights come in? Despite the fact that the Mérida Initiative includes “Respect for Human Rights in Mexico” as part of its second pillar, this assertion has proved rather hollow. A mere 15% of its funds are conditioned on meeting human rights standards. And considering that increased human rights violations in Mexico coincided with the distribution of Mérida Initiative funds, the question becomes: Is the U.S. not complicit in these violations? 

This week, Peña Nieto gave his second State of the Union address. In it he announced the construction of a huge new international airport partly in Mexico City and partly in the State of Mexico. Curiously, in 2006, while governor of the State of Mexico, he ordered the massive repression of protests which had sprung up in response to a similar airport project. The result: two dead, 207 arbitrarily detained, many tortured, and 26 women sexually assaulted. Considering both his past and recent record on human rights, there is reason to be concerned about how the president will respond to the protests that are already springing up.

"Land Yes, Planes No!" reads this 2006 sign.