Impunity and the Dirty War in Mexico: a Permanent Peoples' Tribunal Hearing

"Permanent Peoples' Tribunal, Mexico Chapter: Dirty War and Impunity Hearing"

Just two days after the pre-trial hearing of the Permanent People’s Tribunal: Repression for Political Reasons: a Permanent Strategy of the Mexican State” was finalized, 16 protestors were arbitrarily detained in Mexico city, including three independent journalists. That same day, President Enrique Peña Nieto gave his first State of the Union address. Although his rhetoric was one of accomplishment and cooperation, the reality on the streets suggested that the real message was: “Nothing has changed.” After he lauded the benefits of privatization of energy and education, the Mexican president briefly mentioned human rights, claiming that “The state must protect the rights of citizens starting with the most valuable: life.”  

How strange then, that only two days before, during the pre-trial hearing, we heard the story of Teodulfo Torres. Torres’ fate was sealed the day Peña Nieto assumed office, on Dec 1, 2012. It was during the inauguration protests that Torres saw his friend, Francisco Kuykendall, beaten by the Federal Police. Torres managed to film this repression and violence with the video camera he was carrying. Although Francisco survived, he still suffers serious brain and bodily injury. But it was Torres who paid the even greater price. He denounced the violence done to his friend, and was set to testify on March 27, 2013, but was disappeared before he was allowed that opportunity.

The photo on the T-shirt is of Teodulfo Torres. 

Gabriela Hernandez, of Comité Monseñor, put the Torres case in a broader context: "The principal issue is to break the wall of silence, break the interference of information. The Mexican government, with the PRI back in power, hides all the information. In this six-year term they make everything out to be all perfect, like nothing's going on in this country. Furthermore, it advertises itself as a defender of democracy and civil liberties. All while behind the scenes, it's the greatest repressor. It generates violence, and at the end of the day, there's a reason for it. It's taking care of its neighbor, the U.S. government. We know that all of these repressive politics, cutting off the struggle of the people, is in order to conserve imperialism and neoliberalism."
 
The Permanent Peoples' Tribunal is an international initiative of ethical and moral nature where victims and organizations that have suffered human rights violations can report their cases in front of national and international judges. Its mission is to promote universal respect and fundamental rights of peoples, communities, and individuals. PPT Mexico has been unequivocal not only in its criticism of the Mexican government, but also the U.S. government, particularly in its pushing destructive policies like the Merida Initiative and NAFTA, that have not only led to massive human rights abuses, but also continued migration. This was the third pre-trial hearing on the subject of Mexico's Dirty War, focusing on impunity, violence, and the lack of access to justice for victims. In May 2014 the final trial will be held in front of a panel of international judges.

The pre-trial hearing was held at this market, the Popular Union of Street Vendors. The market is an emblem of organization and resistance. Sellers have survived extrajudicial murders, political oppression, and harassment from the state that continues in the present day.

All twelve testimonies of the pre-trial hearing (which included cases from the states of Puebla, Distrito Federal, Mexico State, and Guerrero) were disturbing and concerning. Minerva Mariano Matías’ was one of those. She spoke of the disappearance of her brother, social activist Fermín Mariano Matías on June 24, 2009. His body was found the following month. Poor and from a small town, Fermin worked his way through school, became a geophysicist, went on to fight for free schooling for rural children, and was training for a marathon when he was murdered. Although more than four years have passed and there is a new administration, there has been absolute impunity in this case. In a country whose human rights impunity rate falls between 90 and 99%, this is not an anomaly.

Minerva talking about her brother Fermin's disappearance.

The pre-trial lasted two days. On the second afternoon,the five judges ruled that the 12 cases analyzed demonstrated the existence of “diverse mechanisms of political repression committed by the Mexican government to attack those who fight for their free expression and defense of human rights.” It was hard not to agree with them after hearing the testimonies. 

Veracruz shouts: Enough already! / Veracruz grita: ¡Ya basta!

(ver la versión en espanol abajo)

El Colectivo por la Paz (Peace Collective) is the Veracruz chapter of the Movement for Peace and Justice With Dignity (MPJD). Central to their demands is an end to the Drug War and militarization of Mexico, policies enthusiastically supported by the U.S., particularly through the Mérida Initiative. On April 19, 2013, the Collective held an event that was both a commemoration of the disappeared in Veracruz, and a cry for peace and justice. The weather was windy and rainy and the mood was somber, as you’d expect for such an event. However, through the gray and wet, through the tears and heartbreak, was an irrepressible hope that their call is not in vain, and that the Mexican government will respond.

The government's official number of disappeared throughout the country over the last 6 years is 26,000. The MPJD puts the number closer to 80,000. Either way, the number is indisputably staggering. If indeed it's 26,000 disappeared, that's as if all the residents within an entire square mile of NYC were to vanish. If it's 80,000, it´s as if everybody sitting in the Dallas Cowboys stadium never made it home after the game.

Mexico is made up of 32 states. Veracruz - after Taumalipas and Coahila - has the highest number of enforced disappearances. Enforced disappearances are disappearances for which a state entity is responsible, the police or armed forces, for example. Even though the Mexican government has recognized the problem of disappearances in general, they have yet to admit the culpability of state agents, authorities, and armed forces in many of these cases. This even despite the fact that in 2008, there were 1,230 complaints of human rights abuses by the armed forces, in 2009 there were 1,800, in 2010 there were 1,415, and in 2011 there were 1,626.

According to an Amnesty International Report  issued at the beginning of this month, “the passivity and impunity of the Mexican state have contributed to a climate of tolerance for these crimes."

The Colectivo’s cry for justice is one among many civil society organizations that are calling for the Mexican government to take responsibility, to thoroughly investigate cases, to hold the perpetrators accountable, and to take measures to prevent its repetition.

Below are some photos from their April 19th event in Xalapa, Veracruz. (Right after the Spanish translation of this text.)

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El Colectivo por la Paz es la sección veracruzana del Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia con Dignidad (MPJD). Una de sus demandas principales es el fin de la Guerra Contra las Drogas y la militarización de México, políticas que cuentan con el apoyo entusiasta de los EEUU., en particular a través de la Iniciativa Mérida. El 19 de abril de 2013, el Colectivo realizó un evento que fue a la vez una conmemoración de los desaparecidos en Veracruz y un grito por la paz y la justicia. El clima era ventoso y lluvioso, y el estado de ánimo era sombrío, como era de esperar para este tipo de evento. Sin embargo, a través de lo gris y lo húmedo, a través de las lágrimas y la angustia, predominó una esperanza incontenible de que su llamado no fuera en vano, y de que el gobierno mexicano respondiera.

El número oficial y gubernamental de desaparecidos en todo el país en los últimos 6 años es de 26.000. El MPJD estima que esta cifra es más cercana a 80.000. De cualquier manera, los números son sorprendentes. Si  el número fuera de 26.000 desaparecidos, sería como si todos los residentes dentro de una milla cuadrada de Nueva York desaparecieran. Si se tratara de 80.000, es como si todo el mundo sentado en el estadio de los Dallas Cowboys nunca llegara a su casa después del partido.

México está integrado por 32 estados. Veracruz - después Taumalipas y Coahila - tiene el mayor número de desapariciones forzadas. Las desapariciones forzadas son las desapariciones de las cuales una entidad estatal es responsable. Estas entidades estatales pueden ser la policía o las fuerzas armadas, por ejemplo. A pesar de que el gobierno mexicano reconoció el problema general de las desapariciones, ellos no han admitido la culpabilidad de agentes del Estado, las autoridades, o las fuerzas armadas en la gran mayoría de estos casos. Esta posición del gobierno se mantiene aunque las quejas de violaciones de derechos humanos son inauditas -en el 2008, hubo 1.230 quejas, en el 2009 hubo 1.800 quejas, en el 2010 hubo 1.415 quejas y en 2011 hubo 1.626 quejas.

Según un informe de Amnistía Internacional publicado a principios de este mes "la pasividad y la impunidad del Estado mexicano han contribuido a crear un clima de tolerancia para estos crímenes."

El  Colectivo por la Paz es una de las muchas de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil que están pidiendo al gobierno mexicano a asumir la responsabilidad de estas desapariciones, para que se investiguen a fondo los casos, para hacer responsables a los que comitan estos crímenes y para tomar medidas que eviten la repetición de estos crímenes.

A continuación se muestran algunas fotos del evento del 19 de abril en Xalapa, Veracruz.

Most estimates put the number of Mexicans killed in 
drug-related violence since late 2006 at more than 60,000.

Se estima que desde el 2006, el número de mexicanos muertos por la violencia relacionada a la Guerra Contra las Drogas es mayor de 60,000.

Making doves, asking for peace.

Haciendo palomas, pidiendo la paz.

Just a tiny percentage of the Mexican victims of violence are represented in this photo. Since the US funded Mérida Initiative took effect in 2007, 1.1 billion US dollars have been given to Mexico. Most of this has been used to support increased militarization of Mexico, leading to deaths, disappearances, and regular human rights abuses by the Mexican armed forces. This is not surprising considering the Initiative has supported a military response to drug cartels, as in the more than 873 million USD spent on military equipment. 

Los pañuelos en esta foto representan sólo un pequeño porcentaje de los mexicanos víctimas de la violencia. Desde que entró en vigor la Iniciativa Mérida - financiada por los EEUU - 1.1 millones de dólares se han dirigido a México. La mayor parte de estos fondos se han utilizado para apoyar la militarización de México. Esto ha resultado en muertes, desapariciones y abusos de derechos humanos por las fuerzas armadas mexicanas. Esta situación no es sorprendente teniendo en cuenta que la Iniciativa ha apoyado una estrategia militar para combatir a los cárteles de la droga, incluyendo los más de 873 millones de dólares que se han gastado en equipo militar.

Beautiful songs and a powerful message "Veracruz shouts: Enough already!"

Canciones bellas y un mensaje contundente: "Veracruz grita ¡Ya Basta!"

"Embroidering for Peace" is a Mexican artist collective that brings people together to embroider names and messages in homage to those killed and disappeared in the Drug War. "Our pieces talk."

"Bordamos por la Paz" es un colectivo artístico mexicano que reune personas para bordar nombres y mensajes en homenaje a las personas asesinadas y
desaparecidas en la Guerra Contra las Drogas. "Nuestros pañuelos hablan."


Vea el video del primer aniversario de ese colectivo que se celebró en abril de este año.

So many names remained in the plastic bag. There was 
not nearly enough time to make an embroidery patch for every victim.

Muchos nombres se quedaron en papelitos en la bolsa plástica. No había 
tiempo suficiente  para bordar todos los nombres de las víctimas.

Kids "drawing for peace."

Niños "dibujando por la paz."

"I don't like it when there's violence in my city. I like it when we all get along."

"A mi no me gusta que haiga (sic) violencia en mi ciudad. A mi me gusta que todos nosotros convivamos."

"Valeria, 4 years old, misses her Uncle Hugo so much."

"Valeria 4 años, estraña mucho a su tío Hugo."

The joyful sounds of jarocho music (traditional Veracruz music) was a 

bittersweet contrast to the somber subject matter and the rainy weather.

Los sonidos alegres del son jarocho fueron un
contraste al tema de la violencia y el clima lluvioso.

 

One of the family members told the story of her son's disapperance. Not only did she lose her son, but friends and family too, since they either blame him (even though he was in no way involved in drug trafficking) or are too afraid to associate with the family, fearing for their lives.

In spite of the mother's calls to the state authorities to investigate her son's disappearance, no investigation or justice has been carried out. This squares with many Mexican's experiences: the impunity rate is 98%.

Una madre contó la historia de la desaparición de su hijo. En su caso esta mujer no solo perdió a su hijo, sino que también perdió a sus amigos y familiares, cuando ellos le hecharon la culpa a su hijo de lo que le había ocurrido (aunque él no tenia nada que ver con el narcotráfico) o cuando dejaron de relacionarse con ella por miedo de poner sus vidas en riesgo.

A pesar de las llamadas de esta madre a las autoridades competentes para investigar la desaparición de su hijo, hasta el momento no hay una investigacion de este caso ni ninguna clase de justicia para esta familia. Esto concuerda con muchas de las experiencias de otros mexicanos: la taza de impunidad en México es del 98%.

There was not enough room to hang all of the embroidery patches. 
So many names. So many lives.
 
No había suficiente espacio para colgar todos los pañuelos bordados. 
Tantos nombres. Tantas vidas.

December 1: Mexican Presidential Power Transitions from one Human Rights Violator to the Next

by Carlin Christy, Mexico Team

Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña Nieto. Photo from lamendigapolitica.com

This December 1^st, it might have been possible for Mexicans to breathe a collective sigh of relief. The day will mark the official end of President Felipe Calderón’s 6 year term. His presidency is commonly referred to as “el sexenio de la muerte” or ‘the six year term of death,’ given the murders of around 80,000 people which began after Calderón launched a militarized war on drugs shortly after taking office in late 2006.  However, a respite from the massacres, kidnappings, disappearances, and human rights abuses does not seem to be on the horizon, as the presidential power will transition to Enrique Peña Nieto, a member of Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which ruled Mexico for 71 consecutive years until the year 2000. 

Peña Nieto comes into office under questionable election results and with an already tarnished human rights record from his time as governor of the State of Mexico from 2005-2011. Certain actions he has taken since winning the July election also seem to indicate he won’t stray too far from the course of Calderón, or Mexico’s financial and strategic partner in the war, the U.S. government and military contractors. 

Although he has stated he will no longer seek to confront cartels head on by taking out capo leaders, Peña Nieto plans to create, strengthen, and professionalize a unified 40,000 strong police force, continue the use of the army until no longer necessary, and expand prisons. He will continue to cooperate strategically with the U.S. and just this week met with President Obama to discuss the continued economic and security integration of Mexico and the U.S.   

Considering Peña Nieto will not drastically alter the approach to fighting organized criminal groups, it is worth looking at the impact this militarized drug war has had on Mexican society under Calderón, with support from the U.S’s Mérida Initiative.

Statistics from Mexico’s National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) recently shared in a meeting with the Senate’s Human Rights Commission paint a dismal picture. The CNDH cited information compiled from January 1, 2005 to July 31, 2012. Five out of the seven and a half years were under Calderón’s administration. 

CNDH data reveals:

·         Cases of torture have increased 500% (In 2005 only 1 torture complaint was received, compared to over 2,000 complaints of torture and cruel treatment in 2011)

·         9000+ complaints of arbitrary detentions, which demonstrates that this is a recurring practice utilized by security forces. Arbitrary detentions increased 121% during this time period.

·         5,568 complaints were received about officials failing to follow required procedures in issuing or executing search warrants

·         2,126 cases of forced disappearances are under investigation and in general, forced disappearances saw massive increases

·         24,091 people are reported as missing

·         46,015 documented murders

·         15,921 bodies remain unidentified

·         1,421 bodies were found in mass graves

·         34,385 complaints against federal security forces were received by the CNDH. (An increase of 84% in the last three years.) Complaints mainly centered around illegal searches, forced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial executions, and torture.

 For me, you were “The Employment President.” 

(image taken from Mexicambio on Facebook)

In addition to data from the National Human Rights Commission, a recent national survey on the perception of citizen security indicated that 55% of Mexicans believe Calderon’s strategy to fight organized crime “was unsuccessful”. Eighty percent indicated that insecurity was worse this year than in 2011. Just 31% of those surveyed were in agreement of the use of military operatives to combat organized crime- a ten percent drop from the start of Calderón’s presidency. 

Yet behind all of the data, statistics and numbers are stories of mothers searching for their disappeared children, families mourning their murdered loved ones, communities fighting to demand justice for crimes committed by security forces. Mexico’s social fabric has been torn apart over the last six years. The pain and suffering of people like Maria Trujillo Herrera, who has four disappeared sons, is indescribable. Yet she and many other victims continue to speak out, at the risk of their own lives, against the absurdity of fighting a war on drugs. 

Another woman who speaks out against the violence and impunity endemic to the Mexican state is Paty Torres. She is among the 26 women who were arrested, tortured, and sexually abused during the violent police repression of the town San Salvador Atenco in 2006.

Paty Torres, survivor of sexual assault by Mexican Police forces in 2006.

Photo by: Liliana Zaragoza Cano  courtesy of website: http://miradasostenida.net/ 

In 2001, the community located in the State of Mexico was the site of protest by a group of farmers opposed to the expropriation of their land to construct an international airport.  Opposition to the plan was so strong it was cancelled. When a conflict broke out over a highway blockade in May 2006, the state government, some say seeking revenge for the 2001 protests, responded by sending in thousands of federal police, armed with firearms and teargas.

Over two hundreds civilians, including members of the campesino group and their supporters, were arbitrarily detained and brutally beaten. Two young people were killed and women in particular were subjected to verbal and psychological abuse as well as sexual torture.  Several detainees remained imprisoned up to four years after the attack. 

The operation in Atenco, characterized by human rights groups as the ”excessive and indiscriminate use of force” occurred under Enrique Peña Nieto as governor. To date, no state or federal police officer or official involved in the attack has been brought to justice, despite a recommendation from The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) to investigate and bring to trial those responsible. 

Twelve of the 26 women, including Paty Torres, have brought their case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, after failing to receive justice in the Mexican judicial system.

The Atenco case represents the flagrant abuse of human rights, criminalization of social protest, and total impunity authorized and employed by Peña Nieto while governor. Give this history, many civil society groups, activists, and human rights organizations believe the landscape for human rights in the next Presidential administration looks bleak.

The naming of Colombian General Oscar Naranjo as his top security advisor is further cause for concern. Gen. Naranjo is the former head of the Colombian National Police, and is seen as a key figure in the dismantling of Colombia’s major drug cartels.  However, Naranjo is accused of using back room dealings, favoring certain cartels over others, and utilizing corrupt DEA and U.S. Customs officials to achieve his aims.  In addition, the naming of Naranjo signifies Peña Nieto will be favorable to the U.S.’s agenda of military intervention into Latin America as a whole.

This December 1^st, instead of exhaling a sigh of relief that should have come after six years of unimaginable violence and insecurity, Mexican citizens may have to inhale even deeper, in order to face the next six years. Or instead, they can do as so many have done throughout the country’s history—organize, resist, and struggle against the powers that for so long have marginalized and repressed those who dare to demand justice and equality in Mexico.